Remembering Edsa: Podcast interviews by PCIJ
By PCIJ
Yet today, many Filipinos are also asking themselves what Edsa was all about. What did it accomplish? What went wrong? What went right?
The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism interviewed 20 Filipinos, among them the main players at Edsa, in 2006 to mark the 20th year of the 1986 People Power. We uploaded the interviews in this podcast channel.
Remembering Edsa: Podcast interviews by PCIJFeb 22, 2022
Introduction by Sheila Coronel
Listen to an introduction by PCIJ founding executive director Sheila Coronel to this 20-episode podcast series produced in 2006 to mark the 20th year of the 1986 People Power.
Cory Aquino
Cory Aquino was borne to Malacañang on the wings of People Power. The widow of assassinated senator Benigno S. Aquino Jr., she became the symbol of the country’s suffering under the iron rule of Ferdinand Marcos. The Aquino presidency re-established democratic institutions, but was marred by several attempts by military rebels to launch a coup d’etat. Even when she retired from politic, she continued to speak out on matters she felt strongly about.
Imelda Marcos
In 1986, Imelda Marcos and her family fled the Philippines in disgrace. She returned in 1991 after being acquitted in a trial in New York and ran unsuccessfully for the presidency in 1992 and 1998. Imelda's fairy-tale life — and her "Imeldific" excess — continues to fascinate Filipinos.
Fidel V. Ramos
A cousin of Ferdinand Marcos, Maj. Gen. Fidel V. Ramos withdrew his loyalty from the besieged president and joined the rebels at Camp Aguinaldo on February 22, 1986. His defection turned the tide in favor of the rebellion and deprived Marcos of loyal troops. Ramos's pivotal role in Edsa and his defense of the Aquino government against military rebels catapulted him to the presidency in 1992.
Juan Ponce Enrile
He was a Marcos's defense minister, but Enrile and his men had been plotting to oust the strongman since 1982. Their attempt to finally attack Malacañang and take over power in February 1986 was found out, however, forcing them to retreat and make a last stand at Camp Aguinaldo. The failed coup turned into a successful popular uprising, thanks to the support of the Roman Catholic Church and mainly middle-class Filipinos. Enrile was on his third Senate term when he was interviewed for this podcast series. He still regretted handing over power to Cory Aquino in 1986, saying the country needs strong, visionary leaders.
Gregorio 'Gringo' Honasan
Seen at Edsa as the dashing, rifle-bearing colonel who was supposed to have led the assault on Malacañang, Honasan is the face of military rebellion. The leader of several unsuccessful attempts to topple the Aquino government, Honasan articulated the military's resentment against civilian authority. Briefly detained before escaping from his floating prison in Manila Bay, he served in the Senate from 1995 to 2004. He later headed the Guardians, a military brotherhood, and became the most compelling symbol of the politicized soldiery.
Jose S. Concepcion, Jr.
'Let us now look to tomorrow'
A wealthy industrialist and one of the prime movers of Namfrel, the election watchdog, Concepcion led millions of volunteers who kept watch over the 1986 "snap" election. Namfrel's parallel count exposed the fraud undertaken by Ferdinand Marcos and helped set off the chain of events that eventually led to People Power. Concepcion joined the Aquino Cabinet but resigned amid a corruption controversy. He remained active in Namfrel during the presidency of Gloria Arroyo, although the group came under a cloud of doubt for supposedly favoring her in the 2004 elections.
Rene A.V. Saguisag
'We cannot give up on the only country we have'
Rene A.V. Saguisag was one of many human-rights lawyers who defended the rights of political dissidents during the Marcos era. Having provided advice to Cory Aquino, several of these lawyers were roped into her Cabinet when she became president in 1986. Saguisag was elected senator in 1987 but dropped out of politics when his term ended. He continued to take off-the-beaten-track legal forays, defending a wide range of clients, including former president Joseph Estrada. He was known as the quixotic dissenter, the quintessential lone voice in the wilderness.
'Kumander Dante' Buscayno
'Edsa was like a new dawn for me'
Bernabe 'Kumander Dante' Buscayno, the legendary founder of the New People's Army (NPA), was rotting in a Marcos prison in Camp Crame when People Power broke out in the streets just outside his cell. Freed from detention after Marcos fell, Dante and other communists took a stab at electoral politics, running for the Senate in 1987. He lost, and was nearly killed not long afterward when unknown men fired at his vehicle. He returned to farming in Capas, Tarlac, the birthplace of the NPA. When he was interviewed for this podcast, he said he no longer believed in the primacy of armed struggle.
Nur Misuari
'Without justice, there can never be an end to the war in Mindanao'
The founder of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was in exile in Libya when Marcos fell. He returned to Mindanao in 1986, confident that the wrongs of history would finally be righted. Misuari talked peace with the new regime and eventually signed a peace agreement with the Ramos government in 1996. He was elected governor of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao the same year. In 2001, as his term was about to end, he declared war against the government and his men engaged the military in battle.
Teresita Ang See
'We could not stay as bystanders'
Tessy Ang See learned her husband had liver cancer on the second day of Edsa. Chin Ben See put off going to the doctor, saying the fight against Marcos could not wait, so the couple continued discreetly collecting donations for the revolt from Chinese Filipinos who were afraid to be seen openly in support of the rebellion. Chin Ben See died nine months later, but Tessy pursued his dream of integrating the Tsinoy community into the mainstream of Philippine society. She became the community's spokesperson as kidnappers targeted the ethnic Chinese, who were seen as the new kings of post-Edsa prosperity.
Archie Intengan
'People power practiced too often sends a message abroad that you're an unstable country'
A Jesuit priest and medical doctor active in the anti-Marcos resistance, Fr. Romeo 'Archie' Intengan fled to Sabah in 1980, after incurring Imelda's ire. There, he lived in a Moro rebel camp together with other dissidents. He later flew to Spain to study, while remaining active in the party he helped found, the Partido Demokratiko Sosyalista ng Pilipinas (PDSP). The PDSP was against both Marcos and the communists. Intengan returned to Manila after Edsa, remaining with the PDSP while also serving for some time as provincial superior of the Philippine Jesuits. Today he gives President Arroyo occasional advice on religious matters.
Eggie Apostol
'It's not just the leadership that must change. The people, too, must change.'
Eugenia Apostol was publisher of the opposition daily, the Philippine Daily Inquirer, when People Power broke out. One of the leading lights of the "mosquito press" that published reports that could not come out in the Marcos-controlled media, Apostol was also the founder of the bestselling Mr. & Ms. Special Edition that printed uncensored follow-up stories on the 1983 Aquino assassination. In 1999, in reaction to President Joseph Estrada's attempts to clamp down on the press, she put out Pinoy Times. Today she is involved in another "revolution," this time to raise the quality of public school education.
William Torres
'The electoral system must be changed'
One of the country's information technology pioneers, Dr. Torres was a consultant of the Commission on Elections in 1986. He was aghast when he saw how the count was being rigged to favor Marcos, and weeks later, was in Edsa taking part in the People Power revolt. He contributed his technical expertise as head of the National Computer Center during the Aquino administration and was largely responsible for encouraging government bodies to set up information systems. Torres also helped lay the foundation for the country's Internet infrastructure. Today he is an advocate of modernizing the electoral system.
Nanay Mameng
'If it's possible, I want another Edsa to take place now'
Carmen Deunida, a laundrywoman, was 77-year-old when this interview was conducted in 2006. She was angry that the lives of the poor remained unchanged despite all the political upheavals the country had undergone. She was at Edsa in 1986, as she was in other rallies against Marcos in previous years. She was also in Edsa 2 and in many rallies before and after that as well. For decades, Nanay Mameng lived in a clapboard shack in the depths of the Leveriza slum, just a 10-minute walk from Manila's tourist district. Despite ill health, she went to rallies whenever she could, fighting for a better world that she fears she may never see.
Jim Paredes
Singer and songwriter Jim Paredes joined June Keithley in Radyo Bandido, which broadcast news of the Edsa revolt to Filipinos. Soon after, he composed "Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo," which became the Edsa anthem. After the 1989 coup attempt that nearly toppled the Aquino government, Paredes went to the U.S. embassy to surrender his green card, a symbolic act that affirmed his faith in country and democracy. This year, on the 20th anniversary of People Power, he is migrating to Australia with his family to "take a vacation from being a Filipino." His disaffection reflects that of many among those who took part in Edsa.
Sister Luz Emmanuel Soriano
Sister Luz of the Religious of the Assumption was preparing sandwiches when the tanks drove into Edsa at the height of the People Power revolt. She and the other nuns were soon on their knees, thinking they would die there and be in heaven the next moment. But the tanks never fired. Sister Luz remains a firm believer in the emancipatory potential of education. Apart from being an educator, she has set up a butterfly sanctuary and is on the board of several NGOs and foundations. She was also part of the consultative commission on charter change formed by Assumption alumna Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
Raymundo Jarque
Then an army colonel stationed in Pampanga, Raymundo Jarque joined the military rebellion that toppled Marcos and barricaded the highways to prevent loyalist troops from moving to Manila. In 1989, as the general who headed the Negros Island Command, he launched a vicious offensive against communist rebels. Ironically, a few years later, Jarque would seek protection in a communist camp after a Negrense landlord unjustly accused him of theft and corruption. Jarque has since returned to "normal life" but remains a maverick, keeping in touch with communist friends while securing a government corporation.
Chito Gascon
Jose Luis Martin 'Chito' Gascon was president of the University of the Philippines student council when the Edsa revolt broke out. He was there every day, as were thousands of other students. Not long afterward, he was appointed the youngest member of the commission that drafted the 1987 constitution. Since then, he has remained actively engaged in political and social movements. He is a member of the Liberal Party and was briefly education undersecretary. Like many of his generation now inching toward middle age, Gascon realizes that the country is in a quagmire. But unlike many of his contemporaries, he has not been swallowed up by the system but continues to fight it. (Gascon died of Covid-19 in October 2021.)
Kumander Liway
Ma. Cecilia Flores-Oebanda was a fish vendor at the age of five to help feed her family. But Oebanda grew up to become Kumander Liway, renowned throughout Negros for her exploits as a communist guerrilla. Arrested in 1982, when she was eight months pregnant, Oebanda was released with other political prisoners after Marcos fell.
Atom Araullo
In 1986, Alfonso Tomas 'Atom' P. Araullo was only three years old when his parents brought him to Edsa. He barely remembers what he saw there, but he believes Edsa is a milestone in the Filipinos' struggle for democracy. Araullo is an oddity among a generation that is mostly indifferent to politics and prefers the cocoon of their own lives to engagement with the world outside. But he believes that his "lost" generation will redeem itself and contribute to positive social change.