Reza Hasmath

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Discourse and Deliberative Processes in the Public Sphere

3. The Politics of Difference

4. Authoritarian Discourse and Deliberation

5. Authoritarian Difference

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

This article explores how discourse, deliberation and difference functions in an authoritarian environment, with an emphasis on the experiences of contemporary China. The article articulates why authoritarian discourse and deliberation is more limited than its Western democratic counterpart. It further suggests that the incorporation of difference into authoritarian discourse and deliberation is difficult due to the inherent tensions between the ‘Other’ and the ruling elite in authoritarian polities. Nevertheless, these constraints do not invalidate the notion that public discourse and deliberation is theoretically possible and has a practical function in authoritarian regimes.

Citation:

This talk looks at the altruistic authoritarian citizen through the lens of understanding their (non-)participation in philanthropic and voluntaristic activities in contemporary China.

This talk provides a candid account of how the Chinese citizenry currently thinks about other nations, and their relationship with China. It draws upon findings from the first iteration of the Chinese Citizens’ Global Perception Survey (CCGPS) conducted in the first quarter of 2023. CCGPS 2023 is a national survey looking at mainland Chinese citizens’ perspectives on China’s current relations with global actors, including, Australia, Canada, EU, France, Germany, India, Japan, Russia, UK and USA. The talk will focus on discussing the major findings, and potential policy implications, pertaining to Chinese citizens’ (1) general global perception; (2) views on China’s global roles; (3) preferences for foreign tourism, study, work and immigration; and, (4) sources and knowledge of global jurisdictions. Suffice it to say, how Chinese citizens perceive the world will have profound implications for China’s future domestic and international behaviour, as well as for the global actors that intimately engage with China.

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. The Context

3. Short Term Strategies (Under a Year)

4. Medium Term Strategies (1 to 3 Years)

5. Long Term Strategies (3 Years Plus)

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

Current policies to manage ethnic minority unrest in Xinjiang are not working, and they do not address the core root causes behind ethnic tensions. Drawing upon lessons learned from global approaches to improve inter-ethnic relations, and factoring China’s institutional behaviour and norms, this essay looks at policy responses that can be entertained by the state to improve the conditions of ethnic minorities in Xinjiang. It suggests that in the short-term (under a year) the state can be more responsible in using the big data it collects for targeted surveillance, in tandem with a community engagement approach. In the medium-term (1-3 years), the state can employ practices to reduce ethnic prejudice by encouraging increased meaningful intergroup contact, and promoting a positive media portrayal of ethnic minorities. In the long-term (3 years plus), improving the relative socio-economic ethnic inequalities is paramount. 

Citation:

This talk explores the relationship between volunteerism, philanthropy, and civic engagement in contemporary China. It discusses new forms of citizen-led initiatives that are complementary to, or supplanting, state-led ones.

See the accompanying papers:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Theoretical Framework

3. Methodology

4. Results

5. Conclusion

Abstract:

Citizenship education has been an explicit part of the universal education system in contemporary China. Using data from an original nationwide survey conducted in 2018, this study tests the hypothesis that the longer the intensity of exposure to citizenship education, the more citizens are influenced by a state-led conception of citizenship characterized by passive obedience and loyalty to the state. The study finds mixed results in that citizenship education is effective at lower educational levels, but at higher levels it is not only less effective, but instead may foster (or at minimum, does not deter) more active conceptions of citizenship.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Citizens Expectations and State Performance Legitimacy in a Period of National Crisis

3. Data

4. Results and Discussion

5. Implications and Conclusion

Abstract:

Chinese citizens are relatively happy with the state’s management of national disasters and emergencies. However, they are increasingly concluding that the state alone cannot manage them. Leveraging the 2018 and 2020 Civic Participation in China Surveys, we find that more educated citizens conclude that the government have a leading role crisis management, but there is ample room for civil society organizations (CSOs) to act in a complementary fashion. On a slightly diverging path, volunteers who have meaningfully interacted with CSOs are more skeptical than non-volunteers about CSOs’ organizational ability to fulfill this crisis management function. These findings imply that the political legitimacy of the Communist Party of China is not challenged by allowing CSOs a greater role in crisis management. 

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Framework

3. Methodology

4. Results and Findings

5. Implications and Conclusion

Abstract:

Extant literature on civic participation in Western democracies demonstrates a linear relationship between increased civic participation and a stronger democracy. In general, the scholarly debate revolves around the precise causal mechanisms for this relationship: holding government accountable; citizens learning ‘democratic skills’, such as collective mobilization and advocacy; and, building social capital and trust to overcome the dilemma of collective action. Given the rapidly increasing volunteerism in China, this study tests these theories in an authoritarian setting using evidence from the 2020 Civic Participation in China Survey. The study finds that volunteers in China do learn ‘citizen skills’; however, these differ from those learned by volunteers in democracies. Foremost, while volunteering allows for authoritarian citizens to learn and differentiate channels most appropriate for addressing specific social problems, they generally do not try to directly hold their government accountable for poor performance. Additionally, the study finds limited support that volunteers are seeking to develop trust in other citizens, contra evidence from Western democracies. Finally, the results suggest that volunteers are participating as a means to send signals to the state that they are emerging local community leaders. These findings have important implications for increasing civic participation in authoritarian regimes. 

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. The Institutional Approach

3. A Values-Based Actor

4. Realpolitik Dimension

5. Implications and Conclusion

Abstract:

Contemporary European Union (EU) and China relations are marked by a simultaneously beneficial, conflictual and competitive partnership. This is aptly evident in the cyber technology realm. This paper contends that the European Union’s gestaltian approach towards China can be understood with the aid of three theoretical positions: (1) an institutional perspective; (2) as a values-based actor; and, (3) a realpolitik dimension. The arguments advanced in the paper, ultimately imply that the EU’s approach towards China can provide various EU domestic and global actors’ space to exploit contradictions, notably when it comes to cyber technology diplomacy. This has the attendant effect of fostering future fissures in the EU’s overall engagement with China.

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This talk looks at the saliency of 'white privilege' in a multicultural society. 

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Economic Legitimation and Authoritarian Resilience

3. Methodology

4. Perceptions of State Ownership

5. Perceptions of Market Regulation

6. Discussion

7. Conclusion

Abstract:

Autocrats typically seek public support on the basis of economic growth-promotion and redistribution policies, and China is no exception. As important as these factors are for authoritarian resilience, we argue that economic legitimation is a more complex phenomenon than has previously been acknowledged. Beyond improvements in material well-being, citizens form judgments about the state’s effectiveness in carrying out a variety of economic roles beyond growth-promotion and they also care about the fairness of these market interventions. In this study, we use original survey data collected in late 2015 and early 2016 to evaluate Chinese citizens’ perceptions of two economic roles of the state that have been hotly debated in recent years: state ownership and market regulation. We find that while citizens view the ideas of state ownership and interventionist regulation in a generally positive light—suggesting a broad level of agreement in Chinese society about what economic functions the state ought to perform—perceptions of how the state actually carries out these roles are more mixed. Our results show that the urban young are especially inclined to critical evaluations, raising the question of how the Chinese Communist Party’s legitimation strategy will fare under conditions of inter-generational value change. 

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Individual Personality and Policy Innovation 

3. Policy Innovation in China

4. Research Design, Prior Expectations, and Data Collection

5. Results

6. Implications and Conclusion

Abstract:

This article argues that policymakers’ individual attributes influence their willingness to engage in policy innovation, and that this influence is responsive to, but not determined by, changes in the institutional structure. We derive these findings by employing principal component analysis of original data from surveys of local policymakers in China, to inductively locate different personalities. We find statistically significant personalities that influence a willingness to innovate, and that this influence is responsive to changes such as heightened risk. In addition to parsing the influence of extrinsic and intrinsic motivations on policy innovation, we further find that the traditional risk-acceptant policy-entrepreneur personality does not explain innovation well. 

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Institutional Theory

3. Social Theories

4. Agency/Stakeholder Theory

5. Complementary Qualities?

6. China-European Union Case Study

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Chinese Social Organizations in Development

3. The Role and Behaviour of Chinese Social Organizations in Africa

4. Practical Implications

5. Theoretical Implications

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. The Public Sphere

3. The Role of the State

4. Social Organizations

5. Final Words

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Gender and Ethnic Variances

3. Explaining Variances: Structural Changes

4. Explaining Variances: Interactional Effects

5. Explaining Variances: Individual Preferences

6. Ethnic Minority Management

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. The First (and Last?) Liberal Age

3. Merging Eastern and Western Philosophy

4. Period of Transition (1978-1997)

5. Period of Transition (1997-2012)

6. Current and Future Prospects

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Popular Accountability

3. Autocratic Resilience

4. Importance of Popular Accountability

5. The Social Contract in a Mature Communist Regime

6. Public Opinion

7. Citizen Complaints

8. A New Social Contract?

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. NGOs Sources of Power

3. NGOs Main Functions

4. NGOs Dilemmas

5. The Chinese Context

6. Neo-Institutional Theory

7. The Institutional Environment

8. ‘Competition’ with the State

9. Epistemic Awareness

10. Final Words

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Governed Market Theory

3. Governed Interdependence Theory

4. Bureaucratic Structure of Coordination

5. High Quality Bureaucrats

6. Final Words

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. State Corporatism

3. Interest Politics vs State Corporatism

4. Developmental State vs State Corporatism

5. Corporatism in the Chinese Context

6. Tacit and Overt Sanctioning

7. The Local Corporatist State

8. Final Words

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Background

3. Characteristics of China’s Leninist Polity

4. Can China Support this Political System? 

5. Expressions of Discontent

6. The Need for Reforms

7. The Impact of Reforms

8. Final Words

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Brief History (1840-1910)

3. Brief History (1911-1949)

4. Brief History (1949-1978)

5. Brief History (1978-2012)

6. Lessons Learned

7. Final Words

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Understanding Incentives for Innovation: Using an Evolutionary Framework

3. Innovation Under Recentralization

4. Implications for Innovation

Abstract:

Despite playing a key contributing role in China’s economic reforms and the Party’s regime durability, there has been a noted reduction in local policy experimentation. Using semi-structured interviews with policymakers in Beijing, Zhejiang and Shenzhen, we find that although recentralization efforts at the central-level are impacting local officials, a great deal of variation in policy experimentation outcomes still exists. Thus, the puzzle motivating this study is how do local officials react to these institutional changes to decide whether or not to engage in local policy innovation? Our study offers three potential explanations for why local officials vary in their willingness to continue policy experimentation: (1) the ineffectiveness of the vertical reward and punishment systems operated by the Party-state; (2) differing base preferences of local officials; and, (3) the presence of a cohort effect.  These factors “filter” institutional changes to result in variation at the local level. As such, we find strong support for an evolutionary process predicated on individual preferences interacting with institutional incentives such as the evaluation system and the networked-structure of cadre knowledge. Although some officials are still conducting policy experimentation, the overall reduction in innovation strongly suggests that potential solutions to governance problems remain trapped at the local level, and that the central government might lose this “adaptable” governance mechanism that has contributed to its past economic and political successes.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Theoretical Framework

3. Methodology

4. Findings and Discussion

5. Implications and Conclusion

Abstract:

Why do local officials in an authoritarian bureaucracy experiment with policy, even when directed not to do so by central-level officials? This study suggests that policy experimentation in this institutional environment can best be understood as an interaction between the structure in which local officials are embedded, and individual-level personality attributes. Leveraging a new data set from a series of original surveys with local policymakers in mainland China, conducted between 2016 and 2018, we discern three base-line personality types: authoritarian, consultative and entrepreneurial. We thereafter examine the individual-level characteristics of local officials who will innovate irrespective of a centralization of bureaucratic power and interests, as currently experienced under Chinese President Xi Jinping. We find that local policymakers engage in policy innovation when they are more focused on resolving governance problems, and that increased risk reduces but does not eliminate their willingness to innovate. Based on these findings, we contend that future studies of policy innovation should use an evolutionary framework to examine the interaction between preferences and selection pressures.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Defining Labor Standards

3. Is There a ‘Race to the Bottom’?

4. The Impact of NGOs

5. Trade Agreements and the South

6. The China Case

7. Conclusion

Abstract:

This paper will examine the linkages between global big businesses, NGOs and labour standards in the contemporary context of developing nations.  Specifically, it will pay close attention to multinational corporations’ practices in terms of wages, foreign direct investment and supply-chain formations, and its overall effects on labour standards.  Reflections on trade agreements will also be offered in respect to how they affect labour standards.  Coiled in this background, the role of NGOs to promote and improve labour standards in developing nations will be critically examined.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Political Background Conditions

3. The Many Definitions of Social Development

4. Tibetan Social Development

5. Future Considerations

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

This paper will historically examine social development outcomes in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) in respect to poverty eradication, education and employment, health care and social integration.  Moreover, it will offer tangible advice for improving future social development work in TAR.  The main theoretical approach is a literature and policy review of social development in TAR from 1951 to present.  Seemingly Tibet’s social development strategy has been achieved through a strong top-down approach.  However, the road ahead for TAR once basic needs are satisfactorily met, is a move towards a participatory approach, whereby Tibetans can directly contribute and have a stake in their own futures.  This paper will be of interest to those who want a definitive account of recent historical social development strategies and outcomes in TAR; and subsequently, the future possibilities and challenges for development in the region.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. NGOs’ Perceptions of Constituents

3. The Role of the General Public

4. Mechanisms Employed to Ensure Good Governance

5. Conclusion

Abstract:

Drawing on interviews conducted among leading local and international NGOs operating in China, this article considers how NGOs understand and implement good governance and accountability principles and practices.  It also examines how Chinese constituents and the general public perceive local and international NGOs. The discussion provides a basis on which to assess ways of improving accountability practices for NGOs operating in China.  

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction 

2. Theoretical Framework 

3. Methodology 

4. Findings and Discussion 

5. Conclusion

Abstract:

Received wisdom views political humor, viz. egao, in the Chinese cyber public sphere as a form of resistance. This study creates and tests a framework that best conceptualizes how different functions of egao are connected with one another: to analyze the patterns of ties that link the different facets of the phenomenon together. The study contends that by framing egao within network society theory, we can appreciate its fluidity and better understand its online ubiquity. Analysis of survey data suggests that it is not the content solely, but the networked practice of egao that dictates its true function. Namely, the networked practices of netizens (internet citizens) have a formative relationship with their perceptions of, and interactions with, egao. The connectivity netizens feel from engaging in the practice often supersedes its content, in terms of value to cyber culture.

Citation:

Contents:

1.  Introduction

2.  Explaining the Motivations for Policy Experimentation

3.  Motivations for Policy Experimentation under Xi Jinping

4.  Conclusion

Abstract:

Most scholars credit policy experimentation with China’s successful economic reforms and continued authoritarian resilience. This article contributes to this policy experimentation literature by providing a systematic overview of the motivations incentivizing Chinese policy entrepreneurs to experiment at local levels. This article traces the evolution of policy experimentation in China through the prism of understanding the varying motivations for experimentation, such as individual career incentives, improving good governance, and symbolic and factional politics. Despite the benefits of policy experimentation, there has been a notable reduction in experimentation in the Xi Jinping era due to the recentralization of political power through “top-level design” and an ongoing anti-corruption campaign. This has effectively created disincentives to innovate at the local level. Nevertheless, we do find remaining pockets of policy experimentation that we argue are due to ineffective institutional incentives, the influence of peer groups, and variations in the individual personalities of policymakers. However, it is unclear if the remaining experimentation is robust enough to assist in further economic reforms or adaptive governance.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Theoretical Framework

3. The Contemporary Behaviour of Chinese Social Organizations

4. Discussion

5. Conclusion

Abstract:

The concept of global civil society arose out of a language, culture and definition influenced by mainstream Western political philosophy and discourse, and the behaviour of Western NGOs that proliferated in the latter part of the 20th century. The recent rise of Chinese social organizations internationally – who were born, developed and prospered in a domestic authoritarian institutional environment with varying values and norms than their Western counterparts – suggests a rethink of how global civil society is conceived. Namely, as Chinese social organizations internationalize, they ultimately export to host nations their best/worst practices, modes of operation, organizational behaviour, and their values and norms. This article looks at the experiences of Chinese social organizations domestically and abroad, and discerns how their actions and behaviour potentially confirms, modifies and/or rejects the contemporary conceptual understanding of global civil society.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Framework

3. Methodology and Sample

4. Results

5. Discussion

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

This article suggests that Chinese NGO do not have the conviction that they are part of an epistemic community in mainland China. Interviews conducted in four cities, Chongqing, Kunming, Nanjing and Shanghai, suggests that this can be attributed to a lack of set standards and professionalization governing their sector of operation. Further, the study finds that Chinese NGOs do not see their primary role is to produce knowledge within their organizational development life cycle. This may indicate a varying path towards the maturation of the civil society sector in China, whereby Chinese NGOs do not conform to the organizational development process as outlined in extant NGO literature.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Social Organizations and Organizational Fields

3. National Level Constraints: Political Authoritarianism and Cultural Unfamiliarity

4. Local Constraints

5. Methodology and Sample

6. Results: Regional Variations in Resource Strategies

7. Discussion: Resource Strategies and Citizenship

8. Conclusion

Abstract:

This study argues that different cities in China have different resource environments available for NGOs. Organizations react to these resource environments by constructing appropriate resource strategies, which in turn shape the characteristics and structures of the NGOs of that city. It further examines how these characteristics and structures influence the construction and performance of citizenship in an authoritarian environment. Specifically, some types of NGOs encourage Chinese citizens to be passive, while others offer a model for people to actively engage with social issues. This is aptly demonstrated in an analysis of NGOs operating across four cities – Beijing, Shanghai, Kunming, and Nanjing – which reveals three different types of resource environments and behavioural models for NGOs. We subsequently discuss the implications of each model for citizen engagement.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. RNGOs as an Organizational Field

3. Neo-Institutional Theory

4. Methodology and Sample

5. Findings and Discussion

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

This article looks at the strategies religious non-governmental organizations (RNGOs) with strong transnational linkages use to maintain a continued presence in mainland China. It does so by utilizing neo-institutional theory as an instrument for analysis, with an emphasis on outlining the coercive, mimetic and normative pressures RNGOs face. One of the key findings of the study is that there is creative circumvention of isomorphic pressures by working with local agents, fostering trust with the local government, and keeping a low profile. Moreover, RNGOs dealt with the uncertain institutional environment in China through staff exchanges, denominational supervision, tapping into global platforms, and undergoing a professionalization process. 

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Theoretical Background

3. Methodology and Sample

4. Findings

5. Discussion

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

A community of practice represents an important resource for the sharing of sector-specific knowledge. It is a mechanism for Chinese NGOs to learn from each other, and collaborate. Drawing upon original data elicited from over 100 NGOs, this article examines the organizational capacity for Chinese NGOs to cultivate a mature community of practice. We find that there are inherent headwinds that Chinese NGOs will have to navigate to accomplish this goal. On the one hand, the majority of NGOs in our sample do not see themselves as part of a community of experts, which presents a huge challenge for the possibility of a structured and institutionalized community of practice. On the other hand, in order to survive and prosper in the post-Charity Law regime, Chinese NGOs will have to learn how to adapt – implement best practices and avoid worst ones – to survive. This is best accomplished by developing a mature community of practice to share knowledge with each other.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Case Study Selection and Methodology

3. The Role of Chinese NGOs in Development

4. The Case of Ethiopia

5. The Case of Malawi 

6. The Potential Role and Behaviour of Chinese GONGOs

7. Implications and Conclusion

Abstract:

This article examines the overseas behaviour of Chinese non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in two African nations, Ethiopia and Malawi, with varying political regime types. Our findings suggest that, irrespective of regime type, Chinese NGOs have yet to make a substantial impact in either nation. We argue that, despite the strength of the Chinese state and high levels of international development assistance given, domestic politics and regulatory frameworks in host nations still matter a great deal. Our study suggests that the Chinese model of international development will continue to be one in which temporary one-off projects are favoured; and, insofar as social organisations will play a role, they will be in the domain of government-organised NGOs rather than grassroots NGOs.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Methodology and Sample

3. Neo-Institutional Theory and Isomorphic Pressures

4. The Institutional Environment and Collaborative Measures

5. The Epistemic Awareness of NGOs by the Local State

6. The Growing Epistemic Capacity of NGOs

7. Final Words

Abstract:

This article suggests that a lack of meaningful collaboration between the state and NGOs in China is not solely a result of the state seeking to restrict the development of the sector, or fear of a potential opposing actor to the state. Instead, interviews with NGOs in Beijing and Shanghai suggests that a lack of meaningful engagement between the state and NGOs can be partially attributed to isomorphic pressures within state-NGO relations, and insufficient epistemic awareness of NGO activities on the part of the state. In fact, the evidence suggests that once epistemic awareness is achieved by the state, they will have a stronger desire to interact with NGOs – with the caveat that the state will seek to utilize the material power of NGOs, rather than their symbolic, interpretive or geographical capital. 

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. The Local Corporatist State

3. Developing the Chinese NGO Sector

4. Profile of NGOs Interviewed in Shanghai

5. Local State-NGO Interactions in Shanghai

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

This article examines the Chinese state’s interactions and influences on the development of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) through a corporatist framework. It suggests that not only is the central state actively involved in the development of NGOs, but increasingly the successes of NGOs are determined by their interactions with the local state. We profile NGOs in Shanghai, of varying sizes, budgets, and issue-areas, as a case study to understand the interplay between NGOs and the local state. The article further discusses reasons behind the growing shift from central to local state influences, and the potential future implications for state-NGO relations in China.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction 

2. Populist Appeal 

3. Wedge Politics

4. A Culture of Control

5. Discussion and Conclusion

Abstract:

This article examines why Australia has taken a tough stance on ‘boat people’, through an analysis of the Malaysian People Swap response. The findings support the view that Australia’s asylum seeker policy agenda is driven by populism, wedge politics and a culture of control. The article further argues that these political pressures, in sum, hold numerous negative implications for the tone of Australia’s political debate, the quality of policy formulation, as well as for asylum seekers and refugees themselves.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Theoretical Framework

3. Methodology

4. Findings and Discussion 

5. Conclusion

Abstract:

This article looks at the construction and performance of gendered identity through a sub-section of Facebook web pages belonging to the Slut Walk movement. Our analysis suggests that gender is constructed through the subjects’ participation in the ‘post-feminist masquerade’ through which their gendered identity is defined in relation to a hegemonic masculine ideal. This situates the web pages within a space characterized through the ambivalent and appropriative treatment of feminism and further, coiled within an acute tension between feminist and post-feminist discourses. Acts of resistance are framed as individual, momentary ruptures of Judith Butler’s heterosexual matrix of ‘cultural intelligibility.’ The online context of these ruptures is found to vest a creative potential, by removing the constraints of time and location, indicating that the impact of these ruptures may extend beyond its immediate environment.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. The Original Conception

3. Conflation with the China Model of Development

4. Future Direction and Implications for China

Abstract:

The Beijing Consensus represents a philosophical movement towards an ultra-pragmatic view of conducting policy deliberation. Contrary to models of development which provide a subset of policy prescriptions for the policymakers’ disposal or a fundamentalist adherence to a particular economic tradition, the Beijing Consensus inherently recognises that each development scenario has a potential set of challenges that may require unique and/or experimental solutions factoring the current political, economic and social environments. This ultra-pragmatism will require the policymaker to engage in greater policy experimentation, and to have a larger risk-elasticity. Further, this philosophy is most aptly demonstrated by looking at the aggregation of practices and lessons learned using the recent policy experiences of China. Ironically, this leads to a potential confusion regarding the analytical distinction between the Beijing Consensus and the Chinese model of development. This article outlines this distinction, and further theorises the potential consequences of employing an ultra-pragmatic view of policy deliberation espoused by the intentionality of the Beijing Consensus.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Context

3. One China, But Varying Regional Disparities

4. Current State of Intellectual Property Enforcement in China

5. Impact of EU Technical Assistance

6. Conclusion

Abstract:

This article evaluates the effectiveness of two major European Union technical assistance programmes, IPR2 and IP Key, in shaping China’s regional intellectual property (IP) enforcement. It argues that although technical assistance programmes have been effective in influencing the national IP legal framework, it has been less successful in assisting regional policy enforcement. This is primarily the result of divergent economic priorities at the sub-national level. The article further assesses potential priorities for future IP technical assistance.

Citation:

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. State Ethnic Management and Rising Ethno-Cultural Consciousness

3. Migration and Settlement Patterns

4. The Division of Labour

5. Marketization and the Rise of Ethno-Cultural Consciousness

6. Discussion and Conclusion

Abstract:

In the past few years there has been a rise of inter-ethnic violence in China. While ethno-cultural repression and ineffective state policies are correctly attributed as key culprits behind this reality, this article suggests that socio-economic factors play a fundamental contributory role as well. Using the Xinjiang case, the article maps ethnic tensions and violence as a manifestation and expression of a growing and heighten ethno-cultural consciousness stemming from ethnic minorities’ low socio-economic status due, in part, to internal Han migration, and a labour market process – involving agency and structure – that has shaped a split and segmented labour market. 

Citation:

Contents:

1. The Future of Working in Government

2. The Facts

3. Variables for Consideration

4. Potential Scenarios

5. Trends

6. The Transformation of Work

Contents:

1. Increasing Female Participation

2. Horizontal Gender Segregation

3. Vertical Gender Segregation

4. The Gender Penalty

5. Women and the Public Sector

6. Interactional Process

7. Wages and Reward Expectations

8. Job Satisfaction: An Alternative Perspective 

Contents: 

1. Introduction 

2. A Working Definition of a GONGO 

3. How do GONGOs Fit into the Civil Society Framework? 

4. GONGOs versus NGOs 

5. Effects on State and Society Relations 

6. Conclusion  

Abstract: 

This article offers a conceptual framework to identify and analyze the contemporary behavior of the paradoxical government-organized, non-governmental organization (GONGO). We discuss how GONGOs’ activities fit within mainstream civil society theories and traditions. Furthermore, we compare and analyze GONGOs and NGOs in terms of their sources of power, main activities and functions, and dilemmas. Finally, we theorize the effects, and implications, the growth of GONGOs has on state and society relations globally.  

Citation:  

Contents:

1. Educational Attainment in Toronto

2. The Labour Market

3. Occupational Outcomes in Toronto

4. Explaining the Penalty: Discrimination?

5. Explaining the Penalty: Social Network

6. Explaining the Penalty: Working Culture

7. Explaining the Penalty: Social Trust

8. Alleviating the Penalty